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The Fakenham Work-In at 50

When a shoe factory in the small Norfolk town of Fakenham was slated for closure in 1972, its women workers barricaded themselves inside and began a work-in. 50 years later, their struggle should be remembered.

Women protest outside the Sexton factory in Fakenham, Norfolk. (Archant / Unfinished Business Norfolk)

It’s a tale as old as industry itself. Sinking into the red, a manufacturer is bought out by an overseas company and promptly proceeds to sell its workers, along with their livelihoods, down the river.

Such was the case of Sexton, Son & Everard, a ladies’ shoe manufacturer that had begun to operate out of Norfolk in the late 1800s. In 1972, the struggling business was sold to a Florida-based developer on the condition that over half its workforce be axed. That meant the closure of the Sexton factory in the small market town of Fakenham, and for the forty-five women who worked there, immediate unemployment.

Jonathan Moss, a Senior Lecturer in Politics at the University of Wessex, researched the events that were to unfold at Sexton for his book Women, Workplace Militancy and Political Subjectivity in Britain. ‘The reason that these women were so angry was that their union, the National Union of Footwear, Leather and Allied Traders (NUFLAT), had a vote and accepted the closure of the Fakenham factory while negotiating a deal to save another factory in Norwich,’ he explains. ‘They weren’t consulted, and believed that both their union and their employers saw them as dispensable.’

In similar situations elsewhere, factories have closed, workers have lost their jobs, and that’s been the end of it. But that wasn’t what happened in Fakenham. Steered by their leaders Eileen English and Nancy McGrath, twenty of the Sexton workers decided to barricade themselves inside the closed factory on 17 March 1972. They blocked the doors with heavy machinery, set up makeshift beds, and stayed there for eighteen weeks.

This was not just an occupation. With their machinery at hand, and having managed to turn away the engineer who came to shut off the power, the women began to work. ‘We’re doing a job of work so we don’t lose our skills,’ NUFLAT steward and occupation member Edna Roach told Socialist Woman in 1972. ‘We had to work-in to try and get them to realise that work is needed in this area and to help save our jobs.’ There were limited other jobs in the area for women—and leather, Roach added, was the only kind of work these women knew.

Before the work-in, the women had been predominantly occupied with the task of ‘finishing’ shoes by sewing leather uppers—the parts above a shoe’s sole—together. As their protest progressed, though, the sharing of knowledge meant they could increase and expand both their skills and their output. Those who stayed on began to craft waistcoats, skirts, dresses, and bags, each worker encouraged to make garments at her own pace and see the process through from start to finish.

Women’s liberation groups and individual NUFLAT members soon made enthusiastic customers as well as donors. The London Women’s Film Group made a documentary about the protest in 1972, and in her memoir Daring to Hope: My Life in the 1970s, feminist historian Sheila Rowbotham writes of seeing English and McGrath speak at a London Socialist Woman meeting after a collection was taken for them at the Women’s Liberation Conference in Manchester. Money from sales and donations went back into buying more leather.

This process continued for four months, until July 1972, when the occupation caught the eye of chemical manufacturer Scott Bader Commonwealth Ltd. Scott Bader, the first company in the UK to hold a Common Ownership Certificate, provided the workers with a grant of £2,500, which enabled them to set up a permanent co-operative with their own premises. They called it Fakenham Enterprises.

‘We don’t just want to revert to creatures behind a machine with all the decisions being made by remote control,’ McGrath told Socialist Woman, explaining the reasoning behind the decision to set up the co-op. ‘We must have a part in any decision which is made. But we have to face practicalities now. I have bills to pay, insurance for the workers, and we all have bills at home to pay.’

The following summer, 1973, Rowbotham wrote of the levelling power of the co-operative in an op-ed for the New York Times titled ‘The Renewed Militants’. ‘In Fakenham, a small town near Norwich, a group of women took over the shoe factory which was going to be closed down in 1972 and are still running it as a cooperative. They ran into tremendous problems. For some time they even worked for no pay but found that divisions between skilled and unskilled, young and old women began to disappear. They all learned new things.’

As the co-op continued producing a range of leather goods, hierarchies were challenged outside the workplace too. ‘At Fakenham, it was impossible for the women who were staying inside the factory to do housework,’ Rowbotham wrote. ‘Some husbands complained but others did their share of work at home. One woman, Edna Roach, said “I’m liberated at home” because her husband helped with the housework.’

This radical potential, however, was not enough to forestall the effects of economic turmoil that shuttered so many businesses in the 1970s. The women continued their collaborative work for five years—but Fakenham Enterprises finally folded in 1977.

Fakenham’s Legacy

The Fakenham women’s resistance burned bright and fast, and although covered in the burgeoning socialist and feminist media of the time, it was treated as something of a novelty by the local press. That might be one of the reasons 1972 has now widely faded from the collective memory: many of those living in Fakenham in the 1970s had little idea of the events unfolding on their doorstep.

One of those people is Irene Doughty, who moved to the area shortly before the occupation and now volunteers at the Fakenham Community Archive. ‘I’m ashamed to say that I lived here at the time and knew nothing about it,’ she tells Tribune. ‘It made worldwide news, but I don’t think anyone really knew what was going on at the time.’

With her fellow volunteers, Irene has since sought to preserve the history of radical labour movements in the area, including the events that took place at Sexton. ‘A few years ago, someone asked me if we had done any work around the shoe factory strike. When I found out more, I immediately set to work tracing back details from thirty years ago to learn more about the women involved. It’s important to mark the history of Fakenham and events like it in the area.’ In 2013, Doughty organised a reunion for some of the women who took part in the work-in.

Despite the archive’s best efforts, though, details of the women’s struggle remain woefully under-reported outside of the academic world. For Moss, the reasons are multiple, including the perspective of the women themselves on their own work.

‘When I spoke to the women involved, they seemed rather surprised that I was there!’ he laughs. ‘There’s an interesting discrepancy between how this occupation is represented in books about labour and feminist history, and what the women involved felt about it. In many cases they didn’t feel that it was particularly significant personally, or that it was a transformative moment in their political trajectories.’

Pat Howling, one of the 2013 reunion’s attendees, backed this up in her interview from that year with the EDP. ‘The sit-in just seemed the natural thing to do. We weren’t trying to make a big political statement or be a part of any movement, we were just trying to save our jobs,’ she told the paper. ‘I remember people saying things like, ‘I’ll put the kettle on, you make sure nobody can get in’.’

That isn’t to say, Moss continues, that the work-in wasn’t important. ‘It’s an amazing example of organisation and political action. But for those people involved, they were practicing the politics of everyday life. If you were to ask these women why they did it, they would tell you that it’s because they are strong and refused to be pushed around. They used the language of organisation and personal autonomy… They knew their rights and worked hard to stand up for them.’

Today, it’s this that makes the Fakenham work-in significant—its role as one of the many less-remembered but no less important acts of resistance that together make up the labour movement’s whole history. And this imbalance—between the Sexton work-in and other protests that gained wider renown—was one of which the Fakenham women themselves seemed aware.

In a TV news segment covering Fakenham Enterprises from 1972, a BBC reporter asks Nancy McGrath why she thinks her new co-operative has a chance at success where Sexton, Son & Everard failed. ‘We worked without wages for eighteen weeks,’ she says. ‘We’re a bunch of women who have stuck together. We’ve been helped by other women.’

Then, referring presumably to the famous Upper Clyde Shipbuilders’ work-in of the previous year, which had forced a U-turn from the government and successfully kept open shipyards slated for closure, she adds, ‘If UCS can do it… We can do it just as good as UCS.’